According to the Gestapo, copies of Leaflet II were mailed on June 30 at 10:00 P.M. from Post Office 2:
- Josef Poschenrieder, Zum Walger Franz Inn, Bad Tölz (record 30) Continue reading
According to the Gestapo, copies of Leaflet II were mailed on June 30 at 10:00 P.M. from Post Office 2:
According to the Gestapo, copies of Leaflet II were mailed on June 30 at 9:00 P.M., Post Office unknown:
Question: Through whom and how long have you known Christoph Propst (sic)? What is your relationship to him? In what manner did he participate in the leaflet operation? Continue reading
Leaflets of the White Rose. III.
“Salus publica suprema lex.” [Public welfare is the greatest law.] Continue reading
One of the recipients of the leaflets of the White Rose – mailed by Schmorell and Scholl – was the accused Huber. … Huber had received the first two leaflets.
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Source: Indictment dated April 8, 1943
Every once in a while, Sophie would write me from Munich. She wrote that her brother had a very exciting circle of acquaintances, and that they would often talk till late into the night. They read a lot, and weekends they went on nice bike rides. Continue reading
For the third leaflet, I [Hans Scholl] wrote the first half, down to the part that ends “higher and higher.” Schmorell wrote the rest. Continue reading
We worked in the same manner for the production and distribution of the “White Rose” leaflet, editions 2 and 3. I therefore describe both of these editions as the intellectual property of both me and Scholl, because we did everything jointly. We worked in my parents’ home (where I have my own room on the third floor) in such a manner that my parents could not possibly notice. Continue reading
Schmorell added that his purpose with the leaflets – especially the ones that called for sabotage – was to cause German soldiers to retreat, which would bring about a favorable solution of a settlement between Germany and Russia. Continue reading
In Leaflet No. III, the notion is developed that the ruin of National Socialism is the essence and goal of passive resistance. In this battle, one must not shrink back from any path, from any deed. National Socialism must be attacked at every point in which it is vulnerable to attack. Continue reading
In Leaflet No. III, it is postulated that the fall of National Socialism is the meaning and goal of passive resistance. In this war, one may not be deterred from any course of action or from any deed, no matter what the scope. National Socialism must be attacked in every place in which it is vulnerable. Continue reading
According to the Gestapo, copies of Leaflet II were mailed on June 30 at 04:00 a.m. from Post Office 23:
According to the Gestapo, copies of Leaflet II were mailed on June 30 at 02:00 a.m. from Post Office 1:
“If” – according to Leaflet No. II – “a wave of insurrection surges through the country, if it is in the air, if many join us, then this system can be cast aside with one last mighty effort.”
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Source: Indictment dated April 8, 1943
For the second leaflet, I [Hans Scholl] wrote the first half, Schmorell wrote the second half, from where it begins, “But not with regards to the Jewish question…” Continue reading
Leaflets of the White Rose II
It is impossible to come to terms with National Socialism on an intellectual basis, because it is simply not intellectual. You cannot speak of a National Socialist ideology. If such a thing existed, you would be forced to try to defend or engage it on an intellectual basis. Continue reading
In Leaflet No. II, it said that a wave of insurrection must travel throughout the land. If “it were in the air”, if many people participated, then this system could be thrown off with one last powerful effort. An end with terror were always better than terror without end. Continue reading
Question: The “White Rose” leaflet Series II Paragraph 2 says that since Poland was conquered, three hundred thousand Jews have been murdered in this country in a bestial manner. The support for this statement supposedly came from you. What do you have to say to this? Continue reading
Yesterday’s expert analysis, page 3, number 4, Christian overtones: This now comes clearly into view. Christian expressions multiply. … D 33, It is not given to us. D 48, May God grant that. Corresponding to the archaic relative pronoun “so”, here there likewise appears the unmistakable sign of theological method of speech, “now there our eyes are opened” [Note 1] (D 79). D 76 is the fanatical call of a hellfire-and-brimstone preacher. Continue reading
During the time (that I was working on his library), Prof. Muth gave me around 300 Marks [$2,400.00] to purchase books for myself. This was not payment for services rendered; rather, it was a gift, since it went without saying that I had promised to do the work gratis, simply because it interested me. Since June 1942, I have not received any additional gifts from Prof. Muth.
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Source: Hans Scholl’s fourth interrogation, February 20, 1943
According to the Gestapo, copies of Leaflet I were mailed on June 27 at 8:00 P.M. from Post Office 1:
Source: ZC13267, report detailing leaflets that had been turned in to the Gestapo (35-38). The report was not dated.
One of the recipients of the leaflets of the White Rose – mailed by Schmorell and Scholl – was the accused Huber. … Huber had received the first two leaflets.
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Source: Indictment dated April 8, 1943
According to the Gestapo, copies of Leaflet I were mailed on June 27 at 5:00 P.M. from Post Office 1:
We took the addresses out of the Schmorells’ address telephone book (his father’s). I think this was the 1942 telephone directory. I assume this was so, because Schmorell always had the most current edition. Continue reading
Mahler: Between June 27 and July 12, 1942, a total of 83 leaflets of the “White Rose” were sent to 35 Munich residents. These leaflets were seized. According to document experts, Hans Scholl is the disseminator in question.
Source: ZC13267, Mahler’s report dated February 19, 1943.
According to the Gestapo, copies of Leaflet I were mailed on June 27 at 12:00 P.M. from Post Office 1:
The following was mailed at the same time, but from Post Office 2: Continue reading
Yesterday’s expert analysis, page 3, number 4, Christian overtones: … C 38, once again the accusation of godlessness, atheistic war machine. … C 34, member of the Christian and western culture. …
Yesterday’s expert analysis, page 6, 2nd paragraph: I determined that the appeals did not have the tone of an embittered loner. … [As] in B – complains about their indifference ( C 3 ff., D 5 ff.). … Continue reading
Eventually, Huber was invited to the villa of the accused Schmorell’s father. There a political discussion arose in which Huber championed the notion that the NSDAP would continue to drift to the left, asserting that Northern Germany already exhibited strong Bolshevist tendencies, while Southern Germany generally leaned more towards an established democratic form of government. Continue reading
Scholl’s sister Sophie had already been introduced to me by her brother before the end of June 1942, before our assignment on the Eastern Front. Continue reading
The first time I had contact with the Scholl circle was in Schmorell’s villa. Around the end of June 1942, Lafrenz invited me there for a community reading of the book The Satin Slipper. Continue reading
It is also quite possible that I am partially confusing the meetings at Schmorell’s villa with the farewell party at Eickemeyer’s studio in terms of the political discussions there. I particularly can no longer say for certain whether questions or statements about passive resistance were made at the Schmorell meeting or at Eickemeyer’s. I can no longer recall details of the political debates. In any case, political discussions as I described during my first interrogation were held. Continue reading
One time, Prof. Huber came to my residence to discuss literary matters with me. This meeting served no political end at all. Hans Scholl was also present in my residence during this visit. I believe I can recall that this meeting took place in the summer of 1942. Continue reading
At the meeting at my parents’ house in early summer 1942, a Dr. Heinrich Ellermann (not Petermann) participated in addition to Prof. Huber, the Scholl siblings, Miss Lafrenz, and Miss Schüttekopf [sic]. Continue reading
He [Hans Scholl] purchased a duplicating machine, and with the assistance of his friend Alexander Schmorell – with whom he often discussed his political views – he acquired a typewriter. Continue reading
The draft of the leaflets – as well as their implementation and mailing – originated with me. I carried out this work in the little room at Athener Platz 4, where I resided at the time. At that time, I was living alone, i.e., my sister was not yet studying in Munich. Continue reading
So that we could produce large quantities of the “White Rose” leaflet, I purchased a duplicating machine in [a store on] Sendlinger Str. (I believe it was Baierl Company) in the summer of 1942. I took it to my residence, where we – Scholl and I – together produced about 100 copies. We rather randomly copied out addresses from telephone and other directories and distributed our leaflet by mail. Continue reading
The other people with whom my brother and I associate include two members of the Student Company. Sergeant Willi Graf, medical student, and Sergeant Alexander Schmorell, likewise a medical student. Continue reading
During my last interrogation, I explained that I produced and disseminated these documents alone. This is incorrect, because Schmorell was also helpful to me in this regards. I will now try to give a coherent portrayal of the matter: Continue reading
The accused Schmorell procured a typewriter and purchased a duplicating machine. Together with Scholl, he then ran off around 100 copies of a leaflet that was entitled “Leaflet of the White Rose No. I”. Continue reading
She [Sophie Scholl] alleges that she did not participate in the production and distribution of the documents entitled “The White Rose” and that she first learned of them when a female friend showed her a leaflet. Continue reading