Initial interrogation – Alexander Schmorell

Fingerprint taken*) [blank]
Fingerprint not necessary *): [blank]
Personal data has – not – been determined *)
Date: 2/25/1943Name: Schmauß
Office ref.: Crim. Secr.
Bureau: [blank]

[At bottom of form: *) Cross out whatever is not applicable.]

[Note 1]: Secret State Police [Gestapo]
State Police Headquarters

II A-So. [Special Commission]

(Bureau of the official carrying out the interrogation) Munich, February 25, 1943

The following voluntarily appeared – was brought in [for questioning]:

The person named below

And gave the following statement, after having been instructed to tell the truth:

I. Regarding his personal data

1. a) Family name, including additional designations [Note 2] (for women, also maiden name, or if appropriate, name of previous husbands): Schmorell.

b) Given names: Alexander.

2. a) Occupation. The following information shall be given: Whether owner, Master Craftsman, business manager or assistant, journeyman, apprentice, factory worker, office clerk, sales woman, etc.; for married women, the occupation of their husband; for minors who are not employed, the occupation of their parents; for civil servants and government employees, the exact address of their bureau; for university students, the address of the university and major; for those who have earned academic honors (M.Eng., Dr., PhD), when and where the title was obtained. Medical student.

b) Income. Around RM 200 [$1,600].

c) Unemployed? If so, since when.

3. Born on September 16, 1917 in Orenburg. Administrative region: Orenburg. Upper district court of Orenburg. State [Note 3]: Russia.

4. Residence or most recent domicile in Munich. Administrative region:. State:. Benediktenwand Str. No. 12. Telephone number: 492581

5. Citizenship: German Reich. Citizen of the Reich? [blank]

6. a) Religion (including prior) Greek Orthodox. [Griech-orto in original]

1) Member of a religious community or a philosophical society? If yes, which one.

2) Theist: Yes or No

3) Agnostic: Yes or No

b) 1) Are the parents of German blood? Father is of German blood. Mother is from Russia.

2) Are the grandparents of German blood? See 1).

7. a) Marriage status (single – married – widowed – divorced – separated): Single.

b) First and last name of spouse (for women, include maiden name):

c) Residence of spouse (if different residence):

d) Are or were the parents – grandparents – of the spouse of German blood?

8. Children: Legitimate: a) Number:

b) Ages:

Illegitimate: a) Number: None.

b) Ages:

9. a) First and last name of father: Dr. Hugo Schmorell

Occupation and residence: Medical doctor, Benediktenwand Str. 12, Munich 9

b) First and maiden name of mother: Natalie nee Wedenskaja (deceased)

Occupation and residence:

(This information should be provided even if parents are deceased.)

10. First and last name, occupation, and residence of guardian or trustee: -.

11. a) Passport was issued, on, No..

b) Permission to drive a motor vehicle – motorcycle – was granted by the Kl. 1 on .

c) Peddler’s license was issued by -.

d) Identity card in accordance with § 44a of the commercial code was issued: -.

e) Hunting license was issued by -.

f) Master Mariner’s Certificate or Pilot’s License was issued on -.

g) Subsidy certification (civil service subsidy certification) was issued by -.

Pension decision: -.

Social security offices?

h) Other forms of identification?  [Note 4].

12. a) Has this person been chosen or selected as a juror [Note 5] for this or the next electoral period? By which panel (§ 40 GDG)? -.

b) Mediator (commercial, labor) or committee member of a social disciplinary court?.

c) Guardian or trustee for anyone else? If so, whom?.

Which Court of Chancery?.

13. Membership in a division of the Reich Chamber of Culture (exact description)?

14. Membership

a) In the NSDAP [Note 6] since: No.

Last local [Party] organization:

b) With which organizations? No. [Note 7]

15. Reich Labor Service:

Where and when reviewed?

Results

Member of the Labor Service from Spring 1937 to Autumn 1937. Division [blank] in Wangen.

16. Military experience

a) Drafted or volunteered for which unit?.

b) Excluded [from military service] due to unworthiness [Note 8]?.

When and why? .

c) Served from Autumn 1937 to .

Unit: Student Company.

Location: Munich

Discharged as: Is a sergeant (medic)

17. Decorations and medals (list individually): None.

18. Prior convictions? (Short statement by the accused. Insofar as possible, these statements shall be supplemented by a search of official documents.) Note.

II. To the Case:

1.) Note:

On the basis of public advertisements, Alexander Schmorell was recognized in the cellar of the property [located at] Schönererplatz 2 on February 24, 1943 around 11:30 p.m. This led to his capture. He was brought to the State Police Headquarters Munich via the competent police precinct.

By order of
/Signature: Illegible/
SS-Hauptsturmführer and KK.

II. Personal relationships:

I was born on September 16, 1917 in Orenburg / Russia. Regarding the reasons my birthday is also sometimes referred to as September 3, 1917, that has to do with the Russian calendar. [Note 9] At the time of my birth in Russia, my father worked [there] as a medical doctor. I do not know when my parents married. When I was 2 years old, my mother Natalie nee Wedenskaja died of typhus. I do not have any siblings.

I believe it was the year 1920 when my father married Elisabeth Hoffmann, the daughter of a brewery owner. She is of German descent. The marriage took place in Orenburg. Two children were born to this union. Both were born in Germany, because my parents emigrated to Munich in 1921. My half-brother Erich Schmorell was born in Munich in 1921. Currently he is a medical student in Freiburg. My sister Natalie Schm. was born in 1925. She lives with her parents and is currently employed by Josefinum. [Note 10] My parents own the property at Benediktenwand Str. 12 in Munich. My father has his medical offices at Wein Str. 11.

From 1924 to 1928, I attended Engelsperger, a private school in Geiselgesteig. From 1928 to 1937, I attended Gymnasium [high school] in Munich. I had to repeat my second year there because of a deficiency in Latin. I passed the Abitur in Munich in 1937. Autumn Spring 1937, I started with the [Reich] Labor Service in Wangen. I joined voluntarily. November 1937, I joined the 7th Artillery in Munich. I was trained as a gunner for one year, and then I spent half a year in army medical service training. In March 1941 39, I was discharged as a noncommissioned officer, because I had announced my intentions to become a doctor.

Easter 1939, I began my studies in Mun Hamburg. After studying there for 1 semester, I returned to Munich to continue my education. Spring 1940, I was drafted into the medical unit in Munich and transferred to France. I served on the Western Front as a medical non-com. In Autumn of 1940, I was furloughed from the medical unit so I could continue my studies. During summer vacation of 1942, I was on the Eastern front serving as a sergeant (medic) for 3 months. November 1942, I returned to Munich. I am now in my 9th semester. Summer of this year I would have concluded my medical studies.

I was assigned to the 2nd Student Company for purpose of my studies. Till now, I have received monthly war-time pay of RM 135 [$1,080], basic military pay of RM 54 [$432] monthly, and ration allowance of RM 64 [$512], = RM 253 [$2,024]. My father has paid for my education; I have also lived with him.

Although initially I seriously intended to become a doctor, recently I have increasingly thought about taking up sculpture.

Outside the time dedicated to my studies, I enjoy the company of a small circle of friends. In particular, this includes [Note 11] Hans Scholl and Christoph Probst, who also studied [Note 12] medicine.

To the question as to which political stream I adhere to, or rather what I think of National Socialism, I will admit without hesitation that I cannot identify myself as a National Socialist, because I am more interested in Russia. I readily acknowledge my love for Russia. In contrast, I reject Bolshevism. My mother was Russian, I was born there, and I cannot help but care about this country. I openly identify as a monarchist. But this applies to Russia, not to Germany. Whenever I speak about Russia, I do not mean to glorify or describe myself as an adherent of Bolshevism; rather I am solely thinking about the Russian people [Note 13]  and Russia itself.

For this reason, the war between Germany and Russia causes me deep sorrow. I would therefore be happy to see this war come to a speedy end, however possible. I will also not hide the fact that I would be sorry if Russia had to give up too much land because of this war. This attitude may sound a little odd, but I ask that it be taken into account that my mother was Russian and that I apparently inherited a great deal from her.

When I joined the German army in 1937 (I volunteered), I swore the oath of allegiance to the Führer. However, I freely admit that even then, I had inhibitions about so doing, but I attributed them to unfamiliar military life. I hoped I would develop another mindset in the ensuing time. But I was wrong, because in only a short time I sank into such inner conflict [Note 14], whenever I considered that on the one hand I was wearing a German uniform, and on the other hand that I cared about Russia. At that time, I did not believe that there would ever be war with Russia.

To bring an end to my inner conflict, I turned to my commanding officer (I had been a German soldier for about 4 weeks), First Lieutenant von Lancelle, and reported to him what stirred my heart. This conversation took place in the barracks of Artillery VII in the presence of Battery Commander Captain Mayer, Lieutenant Scheller, and Master Sergeant (I cannot remember his name). I had no success with the public announcement of my political sentiments and my request for discharge from the army. They attributed my request to my formative years or even to a nervous breakdown.

For clarification, my then-C.O. brought my father in for advice. He later told me that as a German, my father was insulted by my attitude toward Russia. My father told me this himself very clearly recently, so that we have had petty arguments about it.

After my request for discharge was unsuccessful in 1937, I unwillingly continued to wear the uniform of the German soldier. But I did not try to recruit my comrades for Russia. I occupied myself with Russian literature, and I must say that I learned a lot about the Russian people [Volk], which because of my love for this people could only appear agreeable. My love for the Russian people was only heightened by my tour of duty on the Eastern Front in Summer 1942, because I saw with my own eyes, that the characteristics and the character of the Russian people had not been changed greatly by Bolshevism. Under these circumstances, perhaps it will even be understandable that the state of war between the Russian and German people pained me deeply and made me wish that Russia could emerge from this war with negligible losses.

During my service on the Eastern Front in the summer of 1942, I was never put into a situation where my attitude toward Russia could have possibly been detrimental to Germany’s interests. If as a soldier I had had to take up arms against the Bolshevists, before carrying out such an order, I would have had to advise my military C.O. that I could not do so. In my position as a medical officer, I was spared such an order. When I occasionally heard this and that through German propaganda about Russian subhumans, I was never convinced by it. Rather I imagined that there would be exceptions among Russian soldiers, as there are everywhere.

At Field Hospital “Blankenhorn” [sic], I talked with a Russian officer now and then. He told me that German successes were primarily attributable to the treason of Russian generals. I also heard this opinion out of the mouths of Bolshevist prisoners.

Although I was bolstered in my love for Russia through my service on the front, in no way did I pursue the idea of doing anything to affect the duration or outcome of this war after I returned to Germany.

III. To the case:

Once I returned from the Eastern Front, I continued my medical studies. I have had a particularly strong friendship with Hans Scholl for about 2 years. His last known residence was Franz Josef Str., [house] number unknown. I have also known his sister Sophie Scholl for about a year. Recently, other visitors to Scholl’s residence included Christoph Probst, Willi Graf, and his sister. Christoph Probst resides in Innsbruck. The last time he was in Scholl’s residence was about 14 days ago, or 3 weeks. I know from Scholl that he is an opponent of National Socialism. As far as I know, since I returned from the front, he too has taken action against National Socialism. I helped him do so. In addition to me, Willi Graf was technically involved. With regards to Sophie Scholl, I can only say that she was not allowed to make any particular contribution [to the work]. I will describe in detail how our treasonous actions played out.

For the first time in the summer of 1942, Hans Scholl and I agreed to publish a document against National Socialism. Both of us wrote a draft, which we later compared simultaneously. The result of this train of thought was the publication of the “White Rose” leaflet. Since we did not have a typewriter for production of such a leaflet, I borrowed one from my school friend Michael Pötzel [sic], residing at Harthauser Str. 109. I emphasize that I hoodwinked Pötzel by telling him I needed it for my studies. Pötzel therefore did not know what I intended to do when I borrowed his typewriter. After we typed this leaflet, I gave the typewriter (Remington brand) back to Pötzel.

In the interim, I have borrowed the same typewriter several times. If this typewriter was seized in the Scholls’ residence on February 18, 1943, that means it was not returned to Pötzel.

So that we could produce large quantities of the “White Rose” leaflet, I purchased a duplicating machine in [a store on] Sendlinger Str. (I believe it was Baierl Company) in the summer of 1942. I took it to my residence, where we – Scholl and I – together produced about 100 copies. We rather randomly copied out addresses from telephone and other directories and distributed our leaflet by mail. Today I cannot name the post office where we posted our bulk mailing. As best as I can recall, we learned from our acquaintances that some were for and some were against our leaflets.

We worked in the same manner for the production and distribution of the “White Rose” leaflet, editions 2 and 3. I therefore describe both of these editions as the intellectual property of both me and Scholl, because we did everything jointly. We worked in my parents’ home (where I have my own room on the third floor) in such a manner that my parents could not possibly notice.

We bore the production costs of the leaflets jointly. We likewise purchased the paper etc. together, wherever we could find something. Regarding number of pieces, I remember that we produced about 100 copies of each edition. I must add that we did not produce 3, but rather 4 editions.

As we chose the addresses, our aim was to send our leaflets to a circle of persons who would presumably be sympathetic to our cause. We did not create an index of names; rather as we posted the second edition etc., we wrote to the same individuals we could recall from the first edition or who were in the telephone directory. In this manner, the vast majority of people received all 4 editions of the leaflets.

We were particularly careful not to let it become known among our friends that we were the publishers of these leaflets. To verify that our leaflets were being delivered, we posted them to ourselves. We determined that our process worked. There was a relatively short time between publication of each edition [of the leaflets]. I believe I recall that we wrote and distributed the 4 leaflets within 14 days.

I am not able to say why Scholl and I disparaged our Führer in such a particularly venomous form at that time. I can only say that this action could be reconciled with our political attitudes. At that time, we saw so-called passive resistance and the commission of acts of sabotage as the only means of shortening the war.

After we (Scholl and I) were back in Munich at the end of 1942, we got together often. In addition to scholarly matters, we also debated political things. Around mid-January [Note 15], we had the idea of publishing another leaflet. To this end, we both prepared a so-called draft, which we then discussed together and finally published as the leaflet “Call to All Germans!” In contrast to the “White Rose” leaflet, we wrote, duplicated, and distributed the leaflet “Call to All Germans” in Scholl’s residence. In the composition of this leaflet, we were solely concerned about continuing our political revolutionary movemenot [Note 16], which by its very nature was leveled at the Führer.

Together, we wrote the text of the leaflet “Call to All Germans” on the typewriter described [above], Remington brand, in Scholl’s residence. No one besides Scholl and me was present while we were typing. We produced massive quantities of this leaflet in Scholl’s room, using a duplicating machine. However, we did not undertake this massive production using the duplicating machine we had had at our disposal for the “White Rose” leaflet. Rather, I purchased a new apparatus for about RM 200 [$1,600] in the same store on Sendlinger Str. I do not know what became of the old apparatus. If it is no longer there, then Scholl likely sold it or gave it away. No one helped us duplicate the leaflet “Call to All Germans!” Together, we obtained the addresses for greater Munich from a Munich directory.

Scholl and I addressed the envelopes. We probably produced several thousand (around 2 – 3,000) [copies] of this document. We purchased the stamps used to mail the documents mostly from Post Office 23 on Leopold Str. We jointly bore the costs for paper etc. I am not able to state who had a greater financial interest.

To send the leaflet “Call to All Germans!” outside the city, Scholl and I went to the German Museum and copied out /added by hand: the addresses/ for Salzburg, Linz, and Vienna from the out-of-town directories that are available there. So we would not have to use 12-Pfennig [$0.96] postage stamps for letters to the out-of-town addresses, we decided to distribute these leaflets (some simply folded, some placed in envelopes) by taking them to the city in question for mailing. For this reason, I took the fast train from Munich to Salzburg at the end of January 1943 (the Salzburg mailing took place on January 26, 1943), carrying several hundred letters. I arrived at the train station sometime in the afternoon. I passed through the ticketing area headed for the city and posted the letters destined for Salzburg in two different mailboxes next to the train station. When I am told that such leaflets were mailed from Salzburg on January 26, 1957 [sic], I confess that I am the person who did this.

The same day, I caught the next train to Linz a.d.D [Note 17], where I mailed approximately the same number of our leaflets under the same conditions.

The same day, late evening, I took a fast train to Vienna, so I could mail the remainder of the leaflets. I rented a hotel room (I cannot recall the name of the hotel). The next day, I began mailing my letters in various mailboxes. This would have been around 100 – 200 such letters. In Vienna, I also mailed around 50 to 100 leaflets “Call to All Germans!” in letter format; these were destined for Frankfurt a.M. As best as I can recall, Scholl also paid for a portion of this trip to Vienna. I do not remember anything else about it.

I do not know anything about the effect the leaflets we wrote have had, because we did not have occasion to discuss [it] with anyone and hear their view.

The envelopes used to mail these leaflets were purchased over time by Scholl, me, and Willi Graf. When I traveled from Munich to Vienna, I carried a suitcase. I kept my leaflets in this suitcase. This is the same suitcase that was found in my parents’ home after Scholl’s arrest and seized. When I spent the night in Vienna, I registered [at the hotel] under my real name. I cannot recall the name of this hotel at the moment.

Following the events in Stalingrad, Scholl and I saw new motivation to produce a leaflet. While Scholl was very depressed about the events in Stalingrad, I (as someone who cared about Russia) was downright [Note 18] happy about the newly created strategic situation for the Russians. Both of us set about writing and distributing the new leaflet [entitled] “Students” [Note 19]. I typed the “Students” leaflet on the Remington typewriter in Scholl’s residence. Scholl and I jointly wrote the text, compared our drafts, and determined that the content was suitable for our cause.

After we had duplicated about 50 copies of this leaflet, technical difficulties arose with the duplication process. The stencil was a little too long for the absorbent paper that was available to us. To make our work easier, I typed the text of this leaflet onto a new stencil and chose the title “Fellow Students” [Note 20]. This revision has no particular meaning. Scholl and I simply thought that it was more appropriate.

Scholl, Willi Graf, and I undertook the duplication of this leaflet. Before we asked Willi Graf to help us, we allowed him to read the text of the leaflet and finally asked him if he would like to assist in its duplication. I expressly state that Graf had nothing to do with the composition of this leaflet. He therefore did not collaborate in any manner. We also did not issue a particular invitation to Graf. To my knowledge, he coincidentally came by one day (as he often had done) to talk to us. I cannot recall that Graf objected to anything in the leaflet we had prepared. On the contrary, he came around to our way of thinking as he helped us duplicate these leaflets.

I believe I can state with a clear conscience that we produced around 3,000 copies of this leaflet. We began duplicating these leaflets several days before February 16, 1943, sometime in the afternoon. We finished the work around evening. As long as I was present during the duplication [process], Willi Graf and Scholl himself were also present in Scholl’s room. I cannot say whether Sofie Scholl also helped, because I left around evening. At that time, Hans Scholl and Willi Graf were still working. It is possible that Sofie Scholl participated after I left. I did not see Willi Graf’s sister in the Scholl siblings’ residence that afternoon. Miss Graf assuredly had nothing to do with the production and distribution of our leaflets. Also Scholl’s lover, named Gisela Schertling, had nothing to do with our cause.

Either the next day, or the day after that, Hans Scholl and I set about getting our leaflets ready to mail. We used an older student directory (I believe Scholl owned something like that) and randomly copied out the addresses of students [Note 21] who lived in Munich. As long as we had envelopes, we used them. When we ran out, we folded the leaflets and wrote the addresses on the outside. We used two typewriters that were in Scholl’s residence, that is, the Remington typewriter, and an Erika typewriter. To my knowledge, the Erika typewriter belonged to Scholl’s landlady. This woman, Mrs. Schmidt, does not know that treasonous leaflets were produced and distributed in her residence. Mrs. Schmidt probably does not even know that Scholl used the typewriter.

Willi Graf helped us fold the leaflets or seal the envelopes. He also stuck some of the stamps [on the envelopes]. Together, Hans Scholl, Willi Graf, and I took the finished leaflets to various post offices and posted them in the late evening hours of February 15, 1943. It was probably around 10 p.m.

First, we went from Scholl’s residence to Post Office 23 [Note 22] on Vetrinär [sic] Str., where one of us deposited his leaflets in the mailbox. I do not remember who went first. We went from Vetrinär [sic] Str. to the main post office on Residenz Str., via Kaulbach Str. The second person deposited his letters in the mailboxes [at the main post office]. From Residenz Str., we went to the Neuhauser Post Office via Maffei Str., where the third person deposited his letters. One of us had a few remaining [leaflets] in his briefcase. To be rid of these leaflets, we went to the telegraph office at the main train station, where we deposited the remainder in the mailboxes.

To verify delivery of these leaflets, we (Hans Scholl, Graf, and I) mailed one to ourselves. I do not know whether Hans Scholl or Willi Graf received the ones they sent to themselves. And in any event, I cannot remember whether I received the letter before I fled.

After the leaflets were mailed, there were still some leaflets left over. It is possible there were 1,500 – 1,800 leaflets. To be rid of these, Scholl and I agreed to set out the rest of the leaflets at the university in front of the doors to the lecture halls shortly before lectures ended. This idea came from either Scholl or me. In any case, we were temporarily in agreement about this plan. Neither Sofie Scholl nor Graf was present during this discussion. I cannot say whether Hans Scholl possibly told Willi Graf about our plan later.

When we were finished duplicating our leaflets, we took the duplicating machine to the property Leopold Str. 38, studio, cellar, purely out of security considerations. Hans Scholl /added by hand: and/ I carried this out. In so doing, we were in agreement that production of leaflets would be only temporarily suspended and that should the appropriate occasion arise, we would do it again.

We also stored the Remington typewriter and graffiti material in this cellar.

At the end of January, Hans Scholl and I came up with the idea of reinforcing our treasonous propaganda by painting “Down with Hitler!” and “Freedom!” [Note 23]. For this purpose, I prepared a template “Down with Hitler!” in my residence. I brought this to Scholl, so we could use it in the ensuing nights. I bought a can of tar-based paint at a specialty store (I believe it was Finster and Meissner) near the Hofbräuhaus. We took the green paint from Eickemair’s [sic] studio; he knows nothing about any of this. We were also able to take the paint brushes from the studio.

One night around the middle of February, we (Hans Scholl and I) went from Franz Josef Str. to the university building. I painted the inscription “Down with Hitler!” in several places about chest high, while Hans Scholl stood watch. From there, we took back roads to downtown until we reached the Viktualienmarkt [Note 24]. Along the way, I had randomly painted the inscription in various places. Also in those cases, Hans Scholl stood watch. Due to great weariness, and because it was gradually getting light [Note 25], we cut short our graffiti activities and returned to Scholl’s residence. On the way, we passed the university building again. We could not resist adding the inscription “Freedom” (without stencil).

A few days later, I was once again in Scholl’s residence. When I left in the evening, Hans Scholl told me that he would be painting graffiti again the next night. The graffiti that we had painted days earlier had long been removed. As he alluded to this, Hans Scholl said he would be taking his friend Willi Graf with him. And as a matter of fact, the next day I observed or rather Hans Scholl himself told me that he and Willi Graf had done as he had said. That time, they painted with green paint. I emphasize this because I had nothing to do with it.

A third time – the night of February 15 / 16, 1943 – Hans Scholl, Willi Graf, and I painted graffiti as we went from the telegraph office to Scholl’s residence. I still remember well that we painted the inscriptions “Down with Hitler!” and “Hitler the Mass Murderer!” on the walls of Hugendubel Book Store. That night, Hans Scholl and I painted while Willi Graf merely stood watch, to protect us from being caught unawares. We wished to take our propaganda primarily to the bulk of the nation, which was impossible to this degree through distribution of flyers.

The night of January 27 / 28, 1943, Hans Scholl, Willi Graf, and I left Scholl’s residence and went to various neighborhoods so we could scatter copies of the “To All Germans” leaflet within the city. We had around 1,500 copies of that leaflet with us, which we divided evenly among ourselves. For example, I took my briefcase (I kept the leaflets in it) along Kaulbach Str., Tal Str., Kanal Str. and Amalien Str., and set out my leaflets along the way. Several times on Kaulbach Str., I entered the courtyards [of houses] to set out my leaflets. I did not enter the main post office building on Residenz Str.

As far as I know, Willy [sic] Graf was supposed to take Sendlingertorplatz and its surroundings, while Scholl was to head to the main train station to set out his leaflets there. We undertook this scattering operation between 11 p.m. and 1 a.m. [Note 26]. We met up at Scholl’s residence around 1:30 a.m. Willy [sic] Graf returned from his excursion about half an hour later. He then returned to his residence, while I spent the night at Scholl’s. This was the same kind of propaganda we were primarily forced to undertake, because at this time we could not procure any envelopes. We did not scatter leaflets on any other night.

When I am asked about the participation of Sofie Scholl in our treasonous propaganda, I can honestly state that she traveled to Augsburg at the same time as I [Note 27], in order to distribute the “Call to All Germans!” leaflet. I do not know whether she went to other cities after leaving Augsburg. Of course I was present when our leaflets were addressed or rather I saw the addresses for /added by hand: the/ residents of Augsburg. I do not know who typed the addresses for the residents of Augsburg. I was not present when these were typed. Should it have happened that for example third parties distributed our leaflet “To All Germans” in Stuttgart (outside the scope described [above], then that can only have been occasioned by the Scholl siblings without my knowledge.

I can make the following statement regarding Christoph Probst: Probst and I have been friends for a long time. I myself have known him since we were in school. By chance, he passed through Munich during a trip about 3 weeks ago, and he visited the Scholl siblings in their residence. On that occasion, I spoke to Probst very briefly. Around Christmas 1942, I met Probst in Munich and talked with him. Since I know Probst to be a man who likewise has a negative view of National Socialism, and since we are close friends, I told him that Hans Scholl and I were the publishers of the “White Rose” leaflet. I could see that Probst had suspected this for a while and that I was not telling him something he did not already know. Probst also knew that we were not satisfied with the publication of the “White Rose” leaflet, and that we (Hans Scholl and I) would be writing additional leaflets. I myself have no reason to believe that Hans Scholl received help from Christoph Probst in the writing of the last leaflet. Hans Scholl recently told me that Christoph Probst once asked him if he could help with the publication of a leaflet and that he had delivered some kind of documents. But Hans Scholl did not tell me anything further about this matter.

If I am asked what circle of persons had knowledge about the Scholl siblings’ mode of operation, I would be able to name Professor Huber, whom I met in the University of Munich. About 4 weeks ago, Prof. Huber paid a visit to the Scholl siblings in their residence. At that time, we (Hans Scholl and I) initiated Prof. Huber into our plans. We believed him to be a man who was opposed to National Socialism. We told Prof. Huber that we were the producers of the leaflets of the “White Rose” and “Call to All Germans” and that we also distributed these leaflets. Prof. Huber warned us about the dangers of our mode of operation. However, he let us know that he would not denounce us. I assume that Prof. Huber has not denounced us to this date [Note 28].

Recently, Scholl has frequently met with a man named Furtmeier. The meetings were more for scholarly purposes, because Furtmeier is a well-read man, and for that reason, Hans Scholl took particular interest in him. It is out of the question that Hans Scholl would have initiated Furtmeier of all people in our common cause.

I know a female student named Lafrenz – who is from Hamburg and currently studies in Munich – only casually from [my time in] Hamburg. I introduced Miss Lafrenz to the Scholl siblings. She dropped by the Scholl siblings’ residence often, but I do not believe that she learned about our treasonous propaganda from the Scholl siblings. I know Miss Lafrenz only casually and would be wary about trusting /added by hand: her/ with such a thing.

Hans Scholl and I wanted to bring about a revolution through the publication and distribution of our leaflets. We were fully aware that our mode of operation was directed against the current regime and that should we be discovered, we would have to count on the harshest punishment. But nevertheless, we could not be deterred from proceeding in this manner against the current regime, because both of us believed that we could shorten the war thereby.

Recorded by: /Signature: Schmauß/
Crim. Secr.

Present: /Signature: Brugger/
Employee of the Department

Read and signed: /Signature: Schmorell/

==========

Note 1: This is a preprinted form.

Note 2: E.g., Junior, II.

Note 3: Land = state, not country (Staat).

Note 4: In this section, as in 12) and 14) below, it appears that something had been written and then erased, replaced with heavy black lines not seen in the rest of the document. In contrast, 13) is simply blank.

Note 5: The original document used two different words that mean the same thing (juror). The first is archaic (Schöffe), the second contemporary usage (Geschworener).

Note 6: National Socialist Party.

Note 7: He did not declare his Hitler Youth membership, which usually went in this space (see for example Hans Scholl’s interrogation, where he went into great detail about his Hitler Youth activities.

Note 8: Not the same as “unfit for duty” – not related to physical ability.

Note 9: The Gregorian calendar did not replace the Julian calendar in Russia until 1918. Its adoption necessitated the “loss” of thirteen days.

Note 10: Josefinum is a Catholic hospital for women and children.

Note 11: Present tense. Note throughout. Alexander Schmorell frequently used present tense when talking about the Scholls and Christoph Probst, even though they had been executed three days earlier. This supports his parents’ postwar claims that when he was arrested, he did not know about the executions.

Note 12: Past tense.

Note 13: Volk.

Note 14: Gewissenskonflikt, battle of the conscience.

Note 15: Added the word “neuerdings” to emphasize recentness of the idea.

Note 16: One expects the word Umsturzbestrebungen, or revolutionary aims. Instead, Alex used (or the Gestapo agent incorrectly wrote?) Umsturzbewegungen, or revolutionary movements.

Note 17: “On the Danube”.

Note 18: Since Alex used slang (“förmlich”), I chose to use a colloquialism as well in this translation.-RHS.

Note 19: He used the more formal title (“Studentinnen, Studenten”), as opposed to the ‘Bavarian’ title they subsequently used, “Kommilitoninnen! Kommilitonen!”

Note 20: This is the more localized version of “Kommilitoninnen! Kommilitonen!”

Note 21: Studenten, or male students, only. Not Studentinnen und Studenten.

Note 22: This is the incorrect post office number, but the correct number did not follow the one that was crossed out in the transcript.

Note 23: He left out either direct object (where) or how. Grammatically, one would expect “painting on such and such a place”.

Note 24: Viktualienmarkt is a well-known, open-air farmers’ market near downtown Munich.

Note 25: This does not make sense, because according to statements made by Hans Scholl and Willi Graf, they stopped around 1 or 1:30 a.m. In Munich’s winter, it stays dark quite late.

Note 26: The German for o’clock (Uhr) was added by hand.

Note 27: He did not say “as I traveled to Vienna”, so the clear and misleading implication is that they went to Augsburg together. This entire paragraph sounds confused. Since they were trying to cover for the Hirzels, it’s possible that Alex forgot what the story was supposed to be.

Note 28: The paragraph about Professor Huber was included in Huber’s file (excerpt from Alex’s interrogation). See NJ1704, p. 114. However, Schmauß added a sentence that was not included here. That sentence said: “As far as I know, Prof. Huber lives outside of Munich.” Schmauß likely wrote that himself, but he did not note that they were his words, not Alex’s.

==========

Source: RGWA (2 – 15)

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